In short: “In a dilemma” (The Hindu) argues that Sheikh Hasina’s plan to return to Bangladesh puts New Delhi in a difficult spot, since ties with Dhaka are already strained and India cannot stop her travel, while India says extradition will be handled as a legal matter (GS Paper 2). “New deal” (The Hindu) argues that COP31 in Antalya should focus on delivering past climate finance promises rather than new targets such as an electrification pledge, which the COP31 Presidency says is voluntary and practical (GS Paper 3).
Editorial 1: In a dilemma, on Sheikh Hasina and India-Bangladesh ties
The Hindu, 13 November 2026 · GS Paper 2: India and its neighbourhood relations; bilateral agreements affecting India’s interests
Why is it in the news?
Former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who has lived in India since August 2024, applied for a new Bangladeshi passport and national identity card through the Bangladesh High Commission in New Delhi. Dhaka’s Foreign Affairs Adviser Humayun Kabir rejected the request and said Bangladesh would seek her return through the extradition arrangement with India. Ms. Hasina has said she plans to return to Bangladesh in December.
The situation at a glance
| Feature | Details |
|---|---|
| In India since | August 2024, after protests overthrew her government |
| Legal status in Bangladesh | Convicted by a tribunal over the crackdown on the 2024 student-led protests and sentenced to death |
| Government in Dhaka | BNP government led by Prime Minister Tarique Rahman; Jamaat-e-Islami is the main opposition |
| Legal route | India-Bangladesh Extradition Treaty, 2013 (amended in 2016) |
| Pending bilateral issue | The Ganga Water Treaty of 1996 expires next month, and talks on its renewal have stalled |
| Earlier exile | 1975-1981 in India, after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of her family |
What does the editorial argue?
- Her return now is very different from 1981, because she faces a death sentence and strong public anger in Bangladesh.
- Her hope of arguing her case and rebuilding the Awami League is unlikely, given the broad consensus in Bangladesh to keep the party out of politics.
- The BNP government may not want her back either, since it would then have to start execution proceedings that would draw international criticism.
- Not acting against her would strengthen the Jamaat-e-Islami, which accuses the Government of being soft on the issue, and her return could also lead to protests and violence.
- Ties have slipped since her virtual press conference in Delhi on 5 August, after which the Bangladesh Prime Minister’s visit to India was cancelled.
- India cannot physically stop her from flying to Dhaka or crossing at Petrapole, nor can it ignore her fate afterwards, so it must work on ties while ensuring her welfare.
The other side
| Position in the editorial | Other positions |
|---|---|
| India is caught in a spot | The MEA spokesperson said on 10 November that travel requires a travel document, referred passport questions to the Bangladesh High Commission, and said extradition is a legal matter that will be treated legally. |
| Dhaka is unlikely to want her back | Dhaka’s stated position is the opposite: its Foreign Affairs Adviser said it will not issue her a passport and will seek her return through extradition as a prisoner transfer. |
| India must redouble diplomacy | Extradition treaties, including the 2013 treaty, allow the requested state to examine each request under its law, so India can follow due process without taking a political position. |
Why does this matter?
- Neighbourhood policy: Bangladesh is India’s largest trade partner in South Asia and a key partner for connectivity to the North-East.
- Water sharing: The Ganga treaty decides lean-season flows at Farakka, and its lapse would hurt both sides.
- Security: Instability in Bangladesh affects border management, illegal migration and insurgency in the North-East.
- Rule of law: Extradition of a former head of government raises questions of fair trial and the death penalty.
Way forward
- Keep the Hasina question within legal channels, and separate it from the wider bilateral agenda.
- Restart talks on renewing the Ganga Water Treaty before it lapses in December.
- Use high-level contact with the BNP government to rebuild trust on trade, connectivity and border issues.
- Engage all political forces in Bangladesh, so that ties do not depend on one party or leader.
Conclusion: India’s long association with Sheikh Hasina has become a burden on its ties with the new government in Dhaka. The task is to handle her case through law and quiet diplomacy, while keeping the larger relationship, from water to trade, on track.
Editorial 2: New deal, on COP31 and lofty climate goals
The Hindu, 13 November 2026 · GS Paper 3: Conservation, environmental pollution and degradation; GS Paper 2: Important international institutions and agreements
Why is it in the news?
The 31st Conference of the Parties (COP31) to the UN climate convention began this week in Antalya, Türkiye. Türkiye is hosting the meeting, while Australia presides over the negotiations. Before the meeting, ministerial delegations visited Fiji and Tuvalu to highlight the vulnerability of small island states to warming.
The agenda at a glance
| Issue | Status |
|---|---|
| Climate finance goal | $300 billion a year by 2035, agreed at COP29 in Baku; how the funds will flow has been deferred to COP32 |
| Adaptation finance | COP30 called for tripling adaptation finance by 2035 |
| Global stocktake | The second global stocktake under the Paris Agreement begins at COP31 |
| Fossil fuels | COP30 ended without a formal roadmap away from fossil fuels; a voluntary roadmap sits outside the negotiating text |
| Loss and damage | A recent grant of $21 million to Nepal, against needs running into billions |
| Electrification pledge | COP31 President Murat Kurum’s target to raise electricity’s share of energy use from 23% to 35% by 2035 |
What does the editorial argue?
- The opening days have lacked urgency, and several prominent leaders, including from European countries that usually champion the cause, have skipped the meeting.
- The main tasks this year are delivering existing commitments: the $300 billion goal and the call to triple adaptation finance.
- The IPCC has not fixed a timeline for its next reports, which weakens the scientific push for the stocktake.
- The lack of a formal fossil fuel roadmap at COP30 was a step back from the COP28 consensus in Dubai.
- The West Asia war, the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and financial strain in Europe have made funds scarce.
- According to the editorial, India has refused to sign the electrification pledge and has asked for predictable finance, technology transfer and nationally determined approaches; the editorial agrees that delivery on past promises matters more than new targets.
The other side
| Position in the editorial | Other positions |
|---|---|
| New targets are lofty | The COP31 Presidency presents the 35-by-35 pledge as a voluntary, practical goal, since electrification of transport, buildings and industry cuts emissions and raises efficiency. |
| Delivery should come first | Supporters argue that clear sector targets help direct the very investment that finance goals aim to mobilise, so the two can go together. |
| The pledge is the main risk | Civil society groups have raised a different concern: more electricity needs more minerals, so they seek mining safeguards and human rights due diligence. |
Why does this matter?
- Finance: Developing countries need predictable funds to meet their NDCs, and delays erode trust in the process.
- Equity: The principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities underpins India’s position.
- Science: The stocktake depends on timely IPCC assessments to judge progress on the 1.5°C and 2°C goals.
- India’s transition: India is electrifying through EVs, renewables and storage, but prefers to set targets nationally.
Way forward
- Agree on a clear delivery plan for the $300 billion goal, with a larger share as grants rather than loans.
- Scale up adaptation finance and the loss and damage fund for vulnerable countries.
- Keep sector pledges voluntary and aligned with national plans, with support for developing countries.
- Push the IPCC to align its report cycle with the second global stocktake.
Conclusion: COP31 will be judged less by new pledges than by whether rich countries deliver the money already promised. Credible finance is what allows developing countries such as India to raise their own ambition.
Key Facts for Prelims
- The India-Bangladesh Ganga Water Treaty was signed in December 1996 for 30 years and covers lean-season sharing at Farakka.
- India and Bangladesh signed an Extradition Treaty in 2013, amended in 2016.
- Petrapole (West Bengal) and Benapole (Bangladesh) form the busiest land port on the India-Bangladesh border.
- Article 14 of the Paris Agreement provides for a global stocktake every five years; the first ended at COP28 in Dubai in 2023.
- COP29 in Baku set the New Collective Quantified Goal of at least $300 billion a year by 2035.
- The Fund for responding to Loss and Damage was agreed at COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh and operationalised at COP28.
Practice Questions
Prelims MCQs
Q1. With reference to the India-Bangladesh Ganga Water Treaty, consider the following statements:
1. It was signed in 1996 for a period of 30 years.
2. It deals with sharing of Ganga waters at Farakka during the lean season.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
- 1 only
- 2 only
- Both 1 and 2
- Neither 1 nor 2
Show answer
Answer: (c) Both statements are correct. The treaty was signed in December 1996 for 30 years and governs lean-season (January-May) flows at Farakka; it expires in December 2026.
Q2. Under the Paris Agreement, the global stocktake is held once every:
- Two years
- Five years
- Seven years
- Ten years
Show answer
Answer: (b) Article 14 of the Paris Agreement provides for a global stocktake every five years; the second begins at COP31.
Q3. The decision to set up a fund for responding to loss and damage was taken at:
- COP27, Sharm el-Sheikh
- COP28, Dubai
- COP29, Baku
- COP30, Belém
Show answer
Answer: (a) The fund was agreed at COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh (2022) and made operational at COP28 in Dubai (2023).
Mains Practice Questions
Q. The question of Sheikh Hasina’s return has become a test of India’s neighbourhood diplomacy. Discuss how India can balance legal obligations, humanitarian concerns and its strategic interests in Bangladesh. (15 marks, 250 words)
Approach: Introduce the passport and extradition issue. In the body, cover the extradition treaty, India’s past ties with the Awami League, the BNP government’s position, pending issues such as the Ganga treaty, and security interests. Conclude on separating the legal question from the wider relationship.
Q. Delivery of climate finance matters more than new mitigation pledges for the credibility of the COP process. Examine with reference to COP31. (15 marks, 250 words)
Approach: Introduce COP31 and its agenda. In the body, discuss the $300 billion goal, adaptation and loss and damage finance, the electrification pledge, India’s position on CBDR-RC, and the second global stocktake. Conclude on trust and ambition.
FAQs
What were the editorials analysed on 13 November 2026?
The editorials of 13 November 2026 were The Hindu’s piece on Sheikh Hasina’s plan to return to Bangladesh and its effect on India-Bangladesh ties, and The Hindu’s piece on the COP31 climate conference in Antalya, Türkiye.
Why is Sheikh Hasina’s return a dilemma for India?
India has hosted her since August 2024, but her plan to return has strained ties with the BNP government in Dhaka, which has a death sentence against her and wants her extradited.
What is the Ganga Water Treaty?
The Ganga Water Treaty was signed by India and Bangladesh in December 1996 for 30 years to share the Ganga waters at Farakka in the lean season; it expires in December 2026.
What is the 35-by-35 pledge at COP31?
It is a voluntary pledge promoted by the COP31 Presidency to raise the share of electricity in global final energy consumption to 35% by 2035, from roughly a fifth to a quarter today.
हिंदी सारांश
13 नवंबर 2026 के द हिंदू के पहले संपादकीय में शेख हसीना के बांग्लादेश लौटने की योजना पर चर्चा है। उन्होंने नए पासपोर्ट और राष्ट्रीय पहचान पत्र के लिए आवेदन किया, पर ढाका सरकार उनका प्रत्यर्पण चाहती है। इससे भारत-बांग्लादेश संबंध तनाव में हैं और दिसंबर में समाप्त हो रही गंगा जल संधि पर बातचीत भी प्रभावित हुई है। दूसरे संपादकीय के अनुसार तुर्किये के अंताल्या में चल रहे COP31 में नए बड़े लक्ष्यों के बजाय पुराने वादों, विशेषकर जलवायु वित्त, को पूरा करने पर ध्यान देना चाहिए। भारत ने बिजली के हिस्से को 35% करने वाले संकल्प के बजाय पूर्वानुमेय वित्त और प्रौद्योगिकी हस्तांतरण पर ज़ोर दिया है।
Sources: The Hindu: In a dilemma, on Sheikh Hasina and India-Bangladesh ties (editorial, 13 Nov 2026); The Hindu: New deal, on COP31 and lofty climate goals (editorial, 13 Nov 2026); The Daily Star: Indian MEA spokesperson on travel documents and extradition; Prothom Alo: People need travel documents to travel, says Jaiswal; COP31 Presidency: 35-by-35 and Antalya AI pledges; Business Standard: COP31 pushes electrification goal as groups call for mining safeguards.
Related reading on GSMitra: Daily Editorial Analysis 12 November 2026, PIB News Today for UPSC: 13 November 2026, UPSC Current Affairs Quiz 13 November 2026.
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